Jun 062024


A “prophetic” movement, led in part by Texans, is gaining ground—and everyone should pay attention. 


Last August, Dallas business consultant Lance Wallnau addressed the “Awaken the Sleeper” conference at Vida Church in Mesa, Arizona. Dressed business casual and speaking off-the-cuff in a lively style that mixed humor with right-wing, anti-media vitriol, he spoke for nearly an hour about a coming “global economic meltdown,” the evils of the left, and how Christians should respond.

“I can’t help prophetically wanting to tell you the future,” he said. Because U.S. Christians have been too politically disengaged, he warned, “The entire system will be taken over by a horned entity that will put its arms around the church and the economy and squeeze it into compliance,” including “locking up the preachers.” 

Wallnau’s Youtube show (which aired an excerpt from the Mesa talk) has about 64,000 subscribers. His fellow North Texan and self-described prophet Cindy Jacobs once attributed the 2011 tsunami that devastated the Fukushima nuclear plant in Japan, along with an earlier mass death of birds in Arkansas, to the Obama administration’s repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.

Some readers—Christian and non-Christian—may be tempted to write off such comments as mere fundamentalist nonsense. That would be a mistake. Texans like Wallnau and Jacobs, who take the titles “apostle” and “prophet,” are quite serious. And their version of Christianity, which an early leader named the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) in the 1990s, is growing in nationwide religious and political influence—becoming, as two experts have deemed it, “one of the most important Christian religious and political movements of our time.”

Despite its name, the NAR isn’t all that new: A 2011 Texas Observer story revealed its ties to then-Governor Rick Perry. But it’s recently drawn attention, nationally and in Texas, reflecting its growth in the Christian landscape and the close ties of some NAR leaders to ex-President Donald Trump and other GOP luminaries. It’s also drawn criticism, even in evangelical circles.

The NAR has deep roots in the Lone Star State, which is home to three of its leading “prophets”: Wallnau, Jacobs, and Corinth minister Chuck Pierce. (Specifically, all three hang their hats in Dallas-Fort Worth, the sprawling metro area that has spawned more than its fair share of extremists.) They “are among the most influential and politically important” of the “hundreds of apostles and prophets in the U.S.,” said Frederick Clarkson, senior research analyst at Political Research Associates, a progressive think tank in Massachusetts. Their prophecies and teachings illuminate the NAR worldview and its politics—and indicate why we should be concerned about the “reformation” this movement seeks.

The word “prophet” might bring to mind a Gandalf-like figure: long white beard, eyes that see into the spirit realm, etc. These Texas prophets don’t much resemble that image. Wallnau looks like the business consultant he is. Jacobs presents the image of a suburban grandmother: pantsuits, hair in a pixie cut. With his long white hair and beard, Pierce might come closest to that Gandalf image, but given that he favors jeans and flowered shirts, he looks more like the Grateful Dead’s Jerry Garcia (latter-era) than an ancient Hebrew oracle.

Pierce speaks at the Worship at the Border event.

All three are prominent members of what The Atlantic has described as “a sprawling ecosystem of leaders who call themselves apostles and prophets and claim to receive direct revelations from God.” This “ecosystem” includes “global prayer networks, streaming broadcasts, books, podcasts, apps, social-media influencers, and revival tours.”

According to historian Brian C. Sears, the number of NAR adherents in the United States might be as high as 33 million—or it may be “only a fraction of that figure.” Regardless, Sears writes, the NAR in recent decades “grew faster than any group within or on the periphery of American Christianity, laying claim to significant religious and political power.”

The social media following of our three North Texas prophets suggests their reach: Jacobs has 358 thousand Facebook followers; Pierce, over 367 thousand; and Wallnau, around 1 million.

The NAR grew out of the Pentecostal and charismatic strains in evangelical Christianity, movements which call for a “baptism in the Holy Spirit” that is followed by supernatural gifts, including speaking in tongues and faith healing. 

The NAR, however, isn’t your parents’ Pentecostalism. Most Pentecostal congregations, like Protestants generally, are led by pastors or evangelists, often affiliated with denominations and accountable to denominational standards. The NAR, on the other hand, is led by mutually recognized apostles and prophets, roles mentioned in some New Testament texts but largely absent (at least as formal offices) in most of Christianity. In NAR culture, apostles exercise authority over individual leaders and churches; prophets, as Concordia University professor André Gagné writes in his book American Evangelicals for Trump, are “recipients of a particular inspiration of the Holy Spirit.” As NAR critics Holly Pivec and Doug Geivett put it: NAR apostles and prophets “claim to bring new revelation the church needs to advance God’s kingdom.”

“Prophecy,” Pierce has written in a book titled The Passover Prophecies, “is speaking the mind and heart of God as revealed by the Holy Spirit. … It is what Jesus is saying to His Church.”

What Jesus is (allegedly) saying through Pierce, however, is sometimes—at least to a mainline Protestant outsider like myself—head-scratchingly inscrutable. For instance, in 2022, Pierce prophesied: “In the season ahead, our prayer lives will become more authoritative. What will happen once you pray is that [the] Holy Spirit will bring down certain judgments and start dealing with injustices. … Do not be over-merciful and back down.”

Often, far clearer than our three Texans’ theology is their political message—which is emphatically right-wing.

Essentially, the NAR is Christian nationalism on steroids. As I’ve written elsewhere, Christian nationalists contend (on very sketchy grounds) that the Founding Fathers intended America to be a Christian nation governed by Bible-based laws. Liberals and secularists, they argue, have diverted the nation from that intent, and Christianity—typically, evangelical Christianity—should “once again” determine our laws. Like Christian nationalists, NAR leaders seek to establish evangelical Christian dominance over government. 

The difference is that many NAR figures depict political opponents as tools of demonic forces working to stop the spread of God’s Kingdom. For the NAR, the battle is not just over the Founders’ intent; it’s a cosmic battle between Good and Evil—a battle that plays out at the levels of the individual, the nation, and the globe.

Pierce is probably the least overtly political of our three Texas prophets. “I am not politically motivated in the prophetic realm,” Pierce told the Observer by email. “A true prophetic voice doesn’t prophesy based on political leanings. … I pray for all of those who serve in authority. 

“I have only encouraged people to vote and support their community by voting how their conscience leads them,” he added. (Jacobs and Wallnau did not respond to Observer requests for comment for this article.)

Participants at the Worship at the Border event

Yet Pierce’s spiritual diagnosis of America’s problems echoes familiar right-wing complaints. He writes that a lack of “godly leaders,” an active church, and “biblically based governmental and economic principles” have allowed “the enemy”—Satan, presumably—“to wreak havoc. … The entire territory then falls under the darkness of his presences, and demonic hosts redirect those in that territory away from God’s plan of fullness, peace, joy, and abundance.” 

How has “the enemy” achieved this domination? In a 2016 book, Pierce and co-author Rebecca Wagner Sytsema cite longtime conservative Christian bugbears ranging from lack of prayer in schools to legal abortion. “We’ve allowed a small minority to determine what is acceptable in society, such as same-sex marriages and allowing those couples to adopt children,” they write. “Now God wants back what is His, and He is looking to us to go get it. … It is time for a breakout.”

For NAR leaders, the “breakout” entails like-minded Christians taking dominion over the so-called seven “mountains” that mold a nation’s culture, a teaching that Wallnau popularized. The so-called Seven Mountains Mandate, Clarkson and Gagné have written, “divides the world of cultural power and influence that Christians are to conquer into seven categories: religion, family, government, education, business, media, and arts & entertainment.”

The aim is not just to control U.S. government and culture. It’s to trigger the second coming of Christ and the millennial kingdom of God (about which Christians have disagreed vigorously for centuries). For the NAR, Sears writes: “Key to the inauguration of Christ’s thousand-year reign on earth is the belief that apostles will have risen in power to control or influence the leaders of the seven spheres of society.”

In 2016, NAR leaders found an unlikely instrument of evangelical dominion in Donald Trump.  

“NAR support for candidate Trump coalesced more quickly than did support from wider evangelicalism,” Sears notes. Wallnau and Jacobs were early backers of Trump during both his 2016 campaign and his presidency. 

Wallnau issued prophecies in 2016 that gave evangelicals a way to look past Trump’s sketchy religious convictions and quite public moral failings. After first hearing Trump speak in 2015, Wallnau said he “heard the Lord say: ‘Donald Trump is a wrecking ball to the spirit of political correctness,’” leading him to wonder “whether Trump could be ‘the unpredictable instrument of God.’” After meeting Trump later that year, Wallnau received another “unexpected download” from God, directing him to Isaiah 45, which discusses how the Persian king Cyrus, though not a believer in the Jewish God, was anointed by that God to deliver the Jews from exile and restore their temple. For Wallnau, this “download” indicated that God was giving Trump “a Cyrus anointing.” The upshot: Trump didn’t need to be personally evangelical, or even morally upstanding, to be God’s agent.

Jacobs was also an early Trump supporter. In a 2017 interview, she said she organized 10,000 people in a prayer walk for Trump in swing states. “There’s no way [Trump] could have been elected if it wasn’t supernatural,” she insisted. 

After Trump’s inauguration, Jacobs suggested that Trump’s rhetoric and agenda were divinely blessed. In an appearance on televangelist Jim Bakker’s program, she implied that God approved Trump’s “drain the swamp” rhetoric, saying God gave her a vision of a “swamp” being drained replete with “alligators and … snakes and everything … all fighting each other.” The Holy Spirit also revealed that there were “many moles in … the FBI, many of the agencies,” and told her “to pray that every mole is exposed.”

Jacobs’ comments illustrate Gagné’s observation that NAR references to “demonic networks” are not purely spiritual but are “also ways of referring to … Trump’s enemies: the mainstream media, the ‘Deep State,’ and the Democrats.”

A perennial problem with prophesying the future is that the future sometimes fails to cooperate. In 2020, the NAR movement suffered a crisis when several high-profile figures prophesied Trump’s reelection and were proved wrong. While a few prophets apologized, some doubled down, insisting that Trump had been reelected and God would vindicate him. Our three prophets avoided this scandal: All said they had not received clear indications from the Holy Spirit concerning Trump’s reelection. 

“Spiritual warfare theology lead[s] to the demonization of peoples, cultures, and political communities.”

So far, none of our three Texas prophets seems to have promised a Trump win this November. But Wallnau has certainly used his Youtube show to push anti-Biden talking points, calling the administration’s border policies “evidence that America has lost its capacity for self-government” and claiming that the spirit of the biblical monster Leviathan is working “through media and the Democratic Party … to divide America into categories that will go to war with each other.” 

As Gagné told the Observer: “Wallnau is the best example of what the NAR is all about. … [And he’s] visiting swing states and targeting specific counties that he believes will make the difference for Trump’s re-election in November.”

Despite its astounding growth and political reach, the NAR remains controversial even within evangelical and Pentecostal circles.

Especially pointed criticism has come from the world’s largest Pentecostal denomination, the Assemblies of God (AG), which claims more than 3 million adherents in the United States. A 2010 AG position paper on “The Kingdom of God” effectively rejects NAR dominionism: “The kingdom of God is not the blueprint for a radical cultural change based on some carnal theocratic or revolutionary agenda. Instead, it radically changes human personalities and lives.” In a 2000 position paper, AG leaders warned that NAR apostles and prophets can “become dictatorial, presumptuous, and carnal while claiming to be more biblical” than traditionally structured denominations like the AG.

Even some major NAR figures have distanced themselves from positions taken by their fellow apostles and prophets. A 2022 statement, signed by more than 60 leading NAR-linked Pentecostal figures, rejected “the belief that ‘new revelation’ is essential for the life and growth of the Church or that contemporary apostles or prophets are the only ones privy to such ‘new revelation.’” The statement also rejected any calls for a “potential Christian uprising against the government or hints at the use of force to advance God’s kingdom.” The statement warned against “marry[ing] the cause of Christ to the cause of a political party (or leader),” instead advocating “Christ-like engagement in every sphere of society.”

Jacobs, Pierce, and Wallnau have not signed on to the statement.

So, what should we make of our three Texas prophets? 

As a religion scholar, I regularly encounter reports of mystical experience, divine revelation, spirit journeys, miraculous healings, and the like. Some are, from my perspective, difficult to believe. Yet that’s insufficient reason to write them off. Such phenomena form the bedrock of the world’s great religions; to dismiss them out of hand is to dismiss the worldviews of billions of people. 

“God wants back what is His, and He is looking to us to go get it.”

I have no reason to doubt that Jacobs, Pierce, and Wallnau believe they have received divine “downloads”—even if those alleged revelations make little sense to me or contradict what I understand it means to be a faithful Christian. Needless to say, they have as much right to their political convictions as you or I.

But the danger lies in their claims that their side has divine authority while their opponents are the tools of literal demons. As Gagné writes, the NAR’s “spiritual warfare theology … lead[s] to the demonization of peoples, cultures, and political communities.”

Many of us who are not NAR adherents—Christian and non-Christian alike—may find in today’s politics something “demonic,” if only in a metaphorical sense. But we find it in very different places than do these prophets: in some politicians’ vigorous embrace of autocracy; in the vilification of migrants; in the relentless efforts to take away hard-won rights from women, the LGBTQ+ community, and people of color; in the shameless use of public office for self-enrichment; and in the exploitation of religion for political gain. 

Of course, there is nothing supernatural about those evils. They’re just the latest examples in a long, sad history of human iniquity. However sincere they may be, I worry that NAR prophets and followers are wrapping the perpetrators of such evils in a cloak of divine legitimacy. This, too, has happened repeatedly in human history (think of the Crusades or Manifest Destiny).

At this juncture in the American experiment, with our democracy strained to the breaking point, the perils are greater than ever. I, for one, can’t claim to see the future—or to draw my views from much other than my own faith and fallible instincts—but, as we move into yet another fateful election season, I’d say that the NAR and its myriad prophets bear close watching.

This article was originally published by the Texas Observer, a nonprofit investigative news outlet. Sign up for their weekly newsletter, or follow them on Facebook and Twitter.”

Jun 062024

New Texas Democratic group hopes to pump millions into neglected party infrastructure

New Texas Democratic group hopes to pump millions into neglected party infrastructure” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

A team of Democratic strategists unveiled a new group Thursday that aims to turn Texas blue by building up the party’s campaign infrastructure over multiple elections — offering a more practical outlet, in the eyes of the group’s architect, for liberal donors who have spent recent cycles showering cash on losing candidates.

The new outfit, a political action committee dubbed the Agave Democratic Infrastructure Fund, will focus on training campaign staff, recruiting down-ballot candidates and gauging public opinion to help Texas Democrats sharpen their message. The goal is to build a “long-term ecosystem of support, resources, and talent” that “won’t dissolve into thin air after Election Day,” said PAC founder Luke Warford.

“We’ve seen clearly that demographics are not destiny in Texas; that we need to do more to make Texas Democrats sustainably competitive and move past the boom-and-bust cycle of excitement and momentum that centers around specific candidates,” Warford, the Texas Democratic Party’s former chief strategy officer, said in a statement.

The PAC’s launch coincides with the start of the three-day Texas Democratic Convention in downtown El Paso, where delegates are convening to fine tune the party platform, elect the party’s governing executive committee and rally behind a slate of November candidates led by U.S. Rep. Colin Allred, the Dallas Democrat challenging GOP U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz.

Notably, Warford’s group overlaps with many of the same functions historically performed by the state party, from recruiting candidates to defining the party’s message. The rollout comes as Texas Democratic leaders continue to face scrutiny for a series of disappointing elections, led by the party’s failure to flip virtually any of the seats it targeted in 2020. The years since have seen major staff turnover, a factious 2022 convention marked by frustrations over the party’s performance, and a round of blowout losses later that year for every statewide candidate — including Beto O’Rourke, who spent more than $80 million in a failed bid to unseat Gov. Greg Abbott. The Texas Democratic Party leaned on donations from O’Rourke, county parties and down-ballot candidates for more than 80% of the $4.4 million hauled into its state fundraising account in 2022 — with more than half coming from O’Rourke alone, according to the TDP’s public filings.

Party leaders, for their part, have touted their earlier-than-ever launch of a 2024 coordinated campaign that aims to unite county parties and allied groups on strategy. They also ran a candidate recruitment push that helped ensure Democrats had someone running for every statewide office on the ballot, along with each State Board of Education and Texas Senate contest and 85% of state House races, according to the party.

At the start of the year, Texas Democratic Party Chair Gilberto Hinojosa said the party had “a growing team of professional political operatives and a grassroots coalition that’s dedicated to strengthening party infrastructure and innovating voter mobilization strategies.”

Warford did not single out the party directly, referring only to the need to address “gaps that no other organizations are filling.” A press release announcing Agave’s launch contends that Democratic candidates in Texas often “have had to build the plane as they fly it, struggling to hire qualified staff, identify supporters, and develop effective messaging.”

The Agave PAC is helping pay for three staffers on the Texas Democratic Party’s data team — arguably the party’s most important function, as it maintains a statewide voter database that candidates and activists rely on to target and turn out voters across Texas.

In an interview, Warford, who ran as a Democrat for the statewide Railroad Commission in 2022, said he is “incredibly thrilled about our partnership with the Texas Democratic Party and the direction that the party is moving.” The rollout was timed with the convention, he said, to emphasize that Agave plans to be “one of the biggest funders to TDP this cycle.”

Still, Warford pointed to two major gaps that are “holding Democrats back.” He said candidates throughout Texas are facing a persistent shortage of “qualified and well-trained” political staff — and struggling to keep the ones they find from leaving the state.

Most Democrats also lack the money to pay for polling and public opinion research, Warford said, leading to situations where candidates shape their campaign message around anecdotal conversations with voters or what they’re hearing from national Democrats. Warford said he faced this frustration himself when he ran for the Railroad Commission, which regulates oil and gas in the state, and could not afford to conduct polling or research early in his campaign.

“We’re going to be doing extensive opinion research to understand what Texas voters care about and what issues are most important to them, and then working with elected officials across the state … to push out coordinated messaging,” Warford said of his PAC.

Texas Democrats openly acknowledged their candidates’ weak response to the GOP’s united messaging around immigration and the economy in 2022, pinpointing it as a key reason the party lost so decisively in statewide contests.

Agave has raised upwards of $1.25 million so far and plans to hit $3 million by the November election, with a goal of spending $10 to $12 million in election cycles after this, according to the PAC’s press release. The group has filed only one campaign finance report to date, disclosing a single donation from last December: a $150,000 contribution from Simone Otus Coxe, a former public relations executive and nonprofit media leader. Coxe and her husband — who live in Austin after relocating a few years ago from Palo Alto, California — donated $2 million to O’Rourke’s 2022 campaign, collectively making them his biggest donor of the cycle.

Warford declined to say who else is backing Agave, though he said its supporters include “many of the largest Democratic donors in Texas — some of whom, historically, have given primarily to candidates and now are investing in infrastructure.”

The PAC is also helping recruit and pay for Democratic campaign managers in five battleground state House districts, including two GOP-controlled seats in the San Antonio area and at least one in the Dallas suburbs, Warford said. The lower chamber elections will be closely watched in November as most House Republicans look to preserve a new tentative majority that favors private school vouchers.

Two other Democratic operatives are working for Agave as advisers: Logan Davidson, a veteran of various legislative and statewide campaigns who most recently served as legislative director for state Rep. Ann Johnson, D-Houston; and Victoria Williams, the former New Hampshire state director for Democrat Pete Buttigieg’s presidential campaign.

Warford, a 34-year-old Rhode Island native, moved to Texas in 2019 after stints with Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign, Facebook and various consulting gigs. He ran the Texas Democratic Party’s voter expansion efforts in 2020, when the party made an ambitious push to register new voters. He was then elevated to the chief strategy role during the party’s post-2020 shakeup, serving for nearly a year until he launched his Railroad Commission bid.

In his uphill statewide campaign, Warford focused heavily on the 2021 winter storm and ensuing grid failure, trying to seize on bipartisan voter outrage over how lawmakers responded. He won the Democratic nomination before getting trounced in November.

Agave’s pitch resembles that of an earlier Democratic group, Battleground Texas, that launched more than a decade ago with a defining ethos of reshaping the electorate over time, building grassroots strength and resisting the temptation to view generational candidates as a panacea.

But the group hired leaders from outside Texas, reportedly kept the state and county Democratic parties at arm’s length and became an integral part of 2014 gubernatorial nominee Wendy Davis’ campaign — seeming to clash with its declared long-term focus and calls to eschew top-of-the-ticket sensations. Battleground Texas immediately lost much of its sheen when Davis was routed in November.

A group with “the space to not be constrained by short-term incentives,” paired with meaningful donor buy-in, “has been missing for Texas Democrats for a long time,” Warford said. The long-term goal, he added, is building “a Democratic brand that is the Texas version of what it means to be a Democrat.”

“Not ‘what does it mean to be a national Democrat?’” Warford said. “What does it mean to be a Texas Democrat?”

Disclosure: Facebook has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2024/06/06/texas-democratic-pac-party-convention-agave/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

Dec 172023

For Immediate Release

Hill County Democrats

December 12, 2023

Contact: Brigitte Bowen, press@txdemocrats.org

Texas Democrats Enter 2024 Cycle with Larger Slate of Candidates, Poised to Contest More Republican Seats Across State

AUSTIN, Texas – Yesterday, the candidate filing period for the 2024 Primary Election closed, and the Texas Democratic Party is proud to be represented on the ballot next year by a broad and diverse group of qualified candidates running for office up and down the ballot in all corners of our state. Running for hundreds of offices from U.S. Senator to Texas Supreme Court to precinct chair – countless Democrats have stepped up to create real change in their communities, and we’re ready to mobilize our diverse base of voters ahead of the March 5th Primary Election.

The Texas Democratic Party’s flagship initiative to recruit candidates–Lone Star Rising–has drastically increased the number of Democrats running for office and will allow the Party to contest more Republican seats in 2024.


Democrats are contesting every statewide office up for election with 12 candidates combined for both US Senate and Railroad Commissioner.

Texas Supreme Court:

Democrats are contesting every Supreme Court position up for election with four candidates.

Texas Court of Criminal Appeals:

Democrats are contesting every Court of Criminal Appeals position up for election with three candidates.

State Board of Education:

Democrats are contesting every State Board of Education seat up for election with seven candidates.

Texas Senate:

Democrats are contesting every Texas Senate seat up for election with 22 candidates.

Texas House:

Democrats are contesting 84% of the seats in the Texas House with 162 candidates.

*Note: These numbers are preliminary. To accommodate a large influx of applications submitted on the day of the deadline, State Parties have up to 5 days to update the Secretary of State on candidates that filed by the deadline.

Texas Democratic Party Chairman Gilberto Hinojosa issued the following statement on the official slate of Texas Democratic candidates running in the 2024 Primary:

“It’s clear that the work Texas Democrats have done to recruit candidates across the state has paid off, and we are poised to hit the ground running ahead of the 2024 election cycle. Unlike MAGA Texas Republicans – Democrats represent a diverse coalition of Texas residents and communities. And by working to identify and encourage a wide variety of candidates of every race, faith, background and life experience – we can activate our Party’s broad base next November. From El Paso to Victoria – we know that our dedicated Texas Democratic candidates and officeholders will do the necessary work to achieve success far past the March primaries. We look forward to working with our candidates so we can keep Joe Biden in the White House, send Ted Cruz packing, and elect Texas Democrats up and down the ballot to make life better for the people of our state.”

Texas Democratic Party Political Director Ryan Garcia issued the following statement:

“We are incredibly proud of the partnerships we leveraged with Democrats across Texas–from precinct and county chairs that make up the very grassroots of our party to allied organizations like Blue Horizon Texas, who we partnered with on recruiting candidates and fundraising to cover filing fees–to drastically increase the number of Democrats running for office and the number of Republican seats we’re contesting. The party set a goal early this year to raise the bar for Texas Democratic ballot strength in 2024, holding recruitment events, organizing roundtables, and executing outreach programs to identify prospective candidates. Now that the filing period is closed – it’s clear that our coalition’s work has paid off. Texas Democrats extend a special thank you to our allies including: Annie’s List, Fair Shot Texas, Planned Parenthood Texas Votes PAC, Contest Every Race, Run for Something, Texas House Democratic Campaign Committee, Michelle Davis with Lone Star Left, and legions of county party leaders, SDEC members, Democratic caucuses and grassroots activists.

“Thanks again to all who worked overtime to ensure we have candidates to hold Republicans accountable at every level of government for their terrible policies. In a state as large as Texas, it’s imperative that we have a state Democratic party that can organize strong coalitions to achieve our shared goals, and we’re proud that we have sent a strong statement walking into 2024 that Democrats will not allow Republicans to maintain power in our state by forfeit—we’re going to make them fight for every inch.”